The July Charter's failure to ensure inclusion
The July National Charter was envisioned to embody the spirit of Bangladesh's 2024 uprising — a manifesto for democratic renewal that would translate the people's collective aspirations into political reform. It was meant to reflect citizens' hopes for accountability, equality and participatory governance after years of exclusionary politics.
Yet what has emerged is a charter that fails to represent half the nation. In both process and outcome, women — who make up 51% of the population — remain absent from the table where decisions about the country's political future are made.
From its inception, the July Charter process systematically sidelined women's representation. Women were excluded from the National Consensus Commission, while the related commissions on women, labour, health, local government, and media were barely engaged. This exclusion may appear procedural, but it reveals a deeper issue: the persistent unwillingness to recognise women as equals.
Instead of opening its doors wider, the Commission stayed within the narrow confines of its own mandate. In doing so, it turned a document meant for all citizens into one shaped by a few — and lost a rare opportunity to make representation a reality.
The missed opportunity for change
The final July Charter offers no practical or actionable measures to promote women's political empowerment. There is no mention of direct elections for women's reserved seats — a reform long demanded by gender rights advocates.
Instead, the Charter offers a token gesture: a 5% increase in women's nominations for general seats every five years until 2043 — a timeline so distant that equality is postponed to another generation. This is not reform but delay, a way of appearing to move while standing still.
A historic moment that could have redefined democratic representation in Bangladesh has instead reinforced existing hierarchies and normalised the idea that women's exclusion is negotiable.
Women's political representation is not a matter of symbolism or moral generosity but one of legitimacy. A democracy cannot sustain itself when its institutions mirror only a fraction of its citizens. The measure of a democracy is not how many women it allows to vote, but how many it enables to lead. When women's voices are absent from the chambers of power, governance becomes less about people and more about the chosen few.
Bangladesh's political landscape has long been shaped by women — from the struggles for independence and democracy to their continued presence in movements for justice and reform. Women stood at the forefront of the July uprising, leading protests, organising communities, and demanding justice.
Yet in the political process that followed, their leadership was swiftly sidelined, echoing the very exclusion the movement sought to overcome. Institutional representation of women within political parties and Parliament remains minimal, confined largely to token appointments or symbolic reserved seats.
Whenever the question of women's political participation is raised, political leaders often respond with a familiar refrain: that women are not ready or unwilling to lead. The reality tells a different story.
On 9 October, the Forum for Women's Political Rights organised a national conference where grassroots organisers, journalists, educators, and party workers articulated their vision for direct participation in politics. Their message was clear: women are prepared and more than capable of leading — it is the system that resists them.
Women in Bangladesh have long carried the burden of the country's contradictions — participating as voters, campaigners, and change agents while being systematically denied meaningful representation. The July Charter could have been a turning point to institutionalise gender parity; instead, it has widened the gap.
A call for democratic courage
Rebuilding democracy requires courage — the courage to share power, to listen, and to include. Gender equality in politics should not be a demand made to the state but an obligation the state must fulfil.
The path forward is clear. Political parties must move towards a minimum of 33% nomination reserved for women candidates, with a time-bound plan to achieve parity. Reserved seats, if retained, must be filled through direct elections to ensure legitimacy and accountability. Any future constitutional or legislative reform must be developed through an inclusive process that meaningfully involves women, civil society, and marginalised groups.
The struggle for women's political rights is not merely about numbers in Parliament but about legitimacy, accountability, and justice. The road to an inclusive democracy requires courage from those in power to share power. Bangladesh's women will continue to fight for that vision until the nation's democracy truly reflects the voices of all its citizens.
Nafisa Raihana is a Mathematician and an Activist for the Forum for Women's Political Rights
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard